哈泼斯杂志Harpers,英文电子杂志订阅pdf,百度云下载

2017年10月18日14:01:43 发表评论
哈泼斯杂志Harpers

英文电子杂志订阅pdf,百度云下载
For Israelis willing to move to the West Bank, houses are for sale in a hillside develop-
ment in the expanding settlement of Eli. The Israeli government, which has occupied

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the West Bank for fifty years, considers the area disputed territory, though most coun-
tries, including the United States, view the settlements there—228 of them—to be a
violation of international law. The first Jewish Israelis who moved to the West Bank
after the Six-Day War were few in number and went mainly to reinforce Israel’s borders
against neighboring states. Later, they came with religious and ideological motivations.
In 1974, the founding of Gush Emunim (“Bloc of the Faithful”), a messianic movement,
brought settlers who established new Jewish outposts. The first Israelis arrived in Eli
ten years later, naming the town after a biblical high priest. Gush Emunim is now
defunct, but the group’s development arm, Amana, continues to build around Eli. The
construction of Eli Terraces Phase B adds close to 150 people to the town’s population
of nearly 4,000.
Jewish settlements in the West Bank are typically associated with Zionism, yet “quality
of life” is the most commonly cited reason for moving to the Occupied Territory. As
real estate in Israel’s cities becomes increasingly expensive, these settlements offer an
affordable alternative. In a recent Pew survey, nearly half of Jewish Israelis ranked the
economy as the “biggest long-term problem facing Israel,” which is the same number
who cited security. The nation’s monetary frustrations reached an apex in 2011, when
more than 300,000 Israelis—close to 4?percent of the population—took to the streets
to protest the skyrocketing cost of living; the spark was a rise in the price of cottage
cheese, but the focus of the movement soon turned to housing. Tent cities in the spirit
of the Occupy Wall Street movement sprang up across the country. In response, forty-
two Knesset members drafted an open letter to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in
which they argued that building thousands of new homes in the West Bank could solve
the problem. Since then, the discontent that the protests brought to the surface has
continued to mount. Manuel Trajtenberg, an economist and Knesset member who
headed a government commission to study Israel’s socioeconomic problems, said, “In
the past seven years, housing prices have gone up eighty to ninety percent. If it was crit-
ical then, it is a crisis now.”
Settlement developers have seized on Israel’s economic angst, and many are pushing the quality-of-life
sales pitch. At the start of the Oslo peace process, in 1993, 110,066 Israelis were living in West Bank
settlements. That number has more than tripled, to 350,010. Hagit Ofran, a settlement monitor for
Peace Now, estimated that two thirds of the Jews living in the West Bank moved there for primarily
financial reasons. These settlers fall into two main categories, Ofran said. The fastest-growing seg-
ment in the West Bank is the ultra-Orthodox Haredim, a group that has been priced out of Jerusalem.
The second segment is classic suburbanites: families looking for big houses, nice back yards, and
reasonable commutes—all for an affordable price tag. “For too long, our image of the settlements has
been stuck in the 1970s and the idea of the messianic settler living there for ideological reasons,”
Sara Hirschhorn, a scholar of Israel studies at Oxford University, said. The latest marketing strategy
is also inherently a political move, she noted; the Israeli government has long sought to subsidize
these Jewish-only settlements as a means of furnishing territory beyond the pre-1967 border—also
called the Green Line—as typical suburbs. (Palestinians are not permitted to live in these communi-
ties, but often provide cheap labor.) “They wanted to erase the Green Line by advertising the idea
that your home in the West Bank is the same as your home anywhere else.”
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